Today: Feb 1, 2011.
Nearly 2 million protesters in Tahrir Square (center Cairo) and its immediate environs; hundreds of 1000s reported in Alexandria; about 500 thousand reported in El Mansoura; about 100 thousand reported in Damanhour; thousands reported in Port Said; massive protests also reported in El Mahalla. This has come one week into protests across the country since the 25th of January "Day of Anger", implemented by tens of thousands of youth (and twenty-somethings and thirty-somethings) having no visible formal leader or representative on their behalf. Despite major roads between Alexandria and Cairo--the two most populous cities in the country--being reported blocked and in spite of the shutdown of the country's railway system and domestic flights, masses across the country have shown determination to continue protesting.
The anti-regime movement has continued to draw and absorb momentum, power, and support from Egyptians. Movie celebrities and Nobel-prize recipients, artists and journalists, opposition elements and the older common man on the street have joined. These dynamics come with a life and existence previously unknown, to the surprise or joy of many and apparently beyond a slow regime's recognition or comprehension. Much like throughout the past week, the protests continue to show no sign of sectarian or other factionalized divides. Masses of people (mostly young, as mentioned above) are united to demand a complete change of government and of direction for the country, as well as an end to associated crippling corruption, heavy-handed brutality, and lack of freedoms and opportunities---symbolized to them most prominently by President Mubarak's departure from the political stage. These demands have been summed up in the widely displayed Arabic word irhal, meaning "leave."
In light of events and public official statements through the past week, especially today, there is very little indication or anticipation in this tense yet hope-glimmered environment that the contending sides will be backing down easily. There are certainly profound outward displays of stubbornness by the regime and the protesters. Yet all indications are towards approaching tipping point. Or, that possibly a tipping point has already been tip-toed on, waiting for one little push of inertia. There are plans for a fresh round of demonstrations to be held on Friday, international news reports say.
The anti-regime movement has continued to draw and absorb momentum, power, and support from Egyptians. Movie celebrities and Nobel-prize recipients, artists and journalists, opposition elements and the older common man on the street have joined. These dynamics come with a life and existence previously unknown, to the surprise or joy of many and apparently beyond a slow regime's recognition or comprehension. Much like throughout the past week, the protests continue to show no sign of sectarian or other factionalized divides. Masses of people (mostly young, as mentioned above) are united to demand a complete change of government and of direction for the country, as well as an end to associated crippling corruption, heavy-handed brutality, and lack of freedoms and opportunities---symbolized to them most prominently by President Mubarak's departure from the political stage. These demands have been summed up in the widely displayed Arabic word irhal, meaning "leave."
In light of events and public official statements through the past week, especially today, there is very little indication or anticipation in this tense yet hope-glimmered environment that the contending sides will be backing down easily. There are certainly profound outward displays of stubbornness by the regime and the protesters. Yet all indications are towards approaching tipping point. Or, that possibly a tipping point has already been tip-toed on, waiting for one little push of inertia. There are plans for a fresh round of demonstrations to be held on Friday, international news reports say.
Continuously shifting displays of drama have defined the mood and structure of this past week. Protesters defied curfews to camp out in areas or to continue running bakeries. And despite an engineered internet blackout, combined with partial media and telephone clamp-down, they returned to demonstrating. A vice-president has been appointed (for the first time in 3 decades) amid cabinet reshuffling. But the young masses who took to the streets are still not appeased or placated, and they are distrustful towards such moves by the regime. President Mubarak has also announced he will not seek a new term, while saying that he stay on until the upcoming elections and guide the country toward constitutional reform and transitional government. In the same speech, he also defended his service to the country. Still no budge from these masses who---seeing this as a ploy to hold onto power as long as possible, and as a defiance to the public---insisted on his stepping down.
Earlier, anti-riot forces, having initially cracked down brutally on seemingly largely peaceful demonstrators in the first few days, had then mysteriously and inexplicably receded. They were replaced by army units that have reportedly behaved very differently (positively) on the streets. Police is still conspicuously absent on many streets, forcing people to form neighborhood and public property watch committees (in cooperation with troops) to maintain order, prevent looting, and to apprehend/ return escaped prisoners to custody. There are also reports of a general atmosphere of camaraderie among protesters and the masses in coordinating demonstration activity and distributing foodstuffs and water.
Earlier, anti-riot forces, having initially cracked down brutally on seemingly largely peaceful demonstrators in the first few days, had then mysteriously and inexplicably receded. They were replaced by army units that have reportedly behaved very differently (positively) on the streets. Police is still conspicuously absent on many streets, forcing people to form neighborhood and public property watch committees (in cooperation with troops) to maintain order, prevent looting, and to apprehend/ return escaped prisoners to custody. There are also reports of a general atmosphere of camaraderie among protesters and the masses in coordinating demonstration activity and distributing foodstuffs and water.
Now, in conjunction with opposition elements, constitutional scholars, thinkers, members of the business community, among others, the youth brunt behind the protests need to settle down and think calmly and clearly on how to proceed strategically. They need to start planning on how to move forward from this point to participate in the next (transitional) phase. For them to succeed, they need to embark on these directions without giving up ground or pressure gained in the past few days. Specifically, they need to begin engaging in the discussions with intelligence chief Mr. Omar Suleiman and a former minister of aviation Mr. Ahmed Shafik (appointed as Vice-President and Prime Minister, respectively), and extend their activities beyond protesting and displaying mass anger. Yet, with so much at stake, it is crucial to highlight that this inexperienced movement cannot be expected to tread alone with much success into the sophistication and intricacies of such interaction with the state. This is especially the case if other developments, like an escalation in/towards violence, occur. To sustain the peaceful momentum it has generated and translate such momentum effectively into realizing its goals, the young anti-regime protesters may ultimately need the logistical, material, and moral support and guidance of the established opposition. These protesters will also need to continue to hold steadfast to one another and work in unison.
In supporting and encouraging the youth, all Egyptian opposition elements must not return to clinging to their highly particularized interests/positions and squabbling and discord. This older anti-regime segment can work to speak on behalf of the protesting youth. But they must realize that if their efforts are to succeed, they must ultimately partner with youth rather than to take any action or make any proposal that could signal or be interpreted as a domination over the latter's voices. For example, towards this end, the opposition can work to mentor the youth movement protesters and help them to productively channel the latter's energies (with resources and moral support) towards making effective arguments and proposals for change as these younger compatriots stand their ground.
In other words, at the very least there needs to be constant communication and coordination within and between these two groups.
On many levels, the coming days and weeks will prove ultimately as a report card to the unprecedented protests that have defined this youth-generated movement. Indeed, much uncertainty and ill-comfort about what might happen next still hang in the air. But no one can doubt that much has been achieved already, providing a foundation for a new constructive political culture and consciousness in the country. No one can deny that there has been a loud and notable break with long-established physical, cultural, and psychological barriers of apathy, fear, intimidation, and debilitating hopelessness. Similarly, momentum and ongoing drama are prompting talk of an Egyptian rebirth and of pride. Now it is the moment of the youth and of the twenty-somethings and thirty-somethings, and it is critical that they work to translate this moment into a deep legacy to continue inspiring the rest of the country. It is equally critical that opposition elements, thinkers, writers and journalists, constitutional scholars, and other established opinion-makers and movers and shakers with an interest to see meaningful change continue to lend and even increase support for their younger compatriots.
In supporting and encouraging the youth, all Egyptian opposition elements must not return to clinging to their highly particularized interests/positions and squabbling and discord. This older anti-regime segment can work to speak on behalf of the protesting youth. But they must realize that if their efforts are to succeed, they must ultimately partner with youth rather than to take any action or make any proposal that could signal or be interpreted as a domination over the latter's voices. For example, towards this end, the opposition can work to mentor the youth movement protesters and help them to productively channel the latter's energies (with resources and moral support) towards making effective arguments and proposals for change as these younger compatriots stand their ground.
In other words, at the very least there needs to be constant communication and coordination within and between these two groups.
On many levels, the coming days and weeks will prove ultimately as a report card to the unprecedented protests that have defined this youth-generated movement. Indeed, much uncertainty and ill-comfort about what might happen next still hang in the air. But no one can doubt that much has been achieved already, providing a foundation for a new constructive political culture and consciousness in the country. No one can deny that there has been a loud and notable break with long-established physical, cultural, and psychological barriers of apathy, fear, intimidation, and debilitating hopelessness. Similarly, momentum and ongoing drama are prompting talk of an Egyptian rebirth and of pride. Now it is the moment of the youth and of the twenty-somethings and thirty-somethings, and it is critical that they work to translate this moment into a deep legacy to continue inspiring the rest of the country. It is equally critical that opposition elements, thinkers, writers and journalists, constitutional scholars, and other established opinion-makers and movers and shakers with an interest to see meaningful change continue to lend and even increase support for their younger compatriots.
